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Florida Hits a New Censorial Low in Internet Regulation (Comments on SB 7072) – Technology & Marketing Law Blog


This weblog publish evaluations Florida’s Transparency in Technology Act, SB 7072. Like different latest efforts to censor the Internet (comparable to Trump’s anti-230 EO), this legislation is performative rubbish. It was by no means a severe try at crafting good coverage. Florida enacted it anyway. Now, given a pending complaint from NetChoice and CCIA challenging the law, we’ll discover out what occurs when the barking canine catches the automotive it’s been chasing.

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What the Bill Does

The invoice has 4 major sections:

  • Section 1 comprises legislative “findings” (principally #MAGA nonsense).
  • Section 2 restricts Internet providers from “deplatforming” political candidates.
  • Section three restricts state purchases from Internet providers {that a} authorities enforcer has accused of antitrust violations (as well as any “affiliated” companies owned by numerous VIPs related to these Internet providers). Any different enterprise that really violates antitrust legislation can nonetheless freely transact with the state, however an Internet service will be blacklisted when it’s merely accused of violating antitrust legislation; and an “affiliated” enterprise that by no means violated antitrust legislation in any respect nonetheless will get blacklisted if it has the requisite possession relationship.
  • Section Four comprises 10+ restrictions on Internet providers’ editorial practices. Examples: a requirement that providers reasonable content material “consistently,” a restriction on amending the service’s editorial requirements greater than 1x each 30 days, and a categorical ban on blocking content material from “journalistic enterprises.” Some of those necessities are backed by a personal proper of motion with statutory damages.

A number of the media protection has centered solely on Section 2. While Section 2 is clearly unconstitutional, Section Four is the legislation’s actual payload as a result of it regulates the center of Internet providers’ editorial operations.

[Note: The remainder of this post will trash the law. Doing so brings me no joy. The law was never designed for scrutiny outside the #MAGA community.]

The Law’s Many Discriminatory Classifications

Laws that prohibit speech need to tread cautiously with any regulatory distinctions between teams or entities. Otherwise, the distinctions might present proof that the legislation engages in impermissible content-, speaker-, or viewpoint-based discrimination. This legislation is riddled with such distinctions.

The legislation doesn’t expressly have interaction in viewpoint discrimination, however key legislators and Gov. DeSantis didn’t try to cover their viewpoint discrimination, repeatedly expressing antipathy for the “leftist media” (the NetChoice/CCIA criticism supplies ample proof of this). Every decide ought to account for this plain partisan animus within the constitutionality evaluation.

Some of the content- and speaker-based distinctions within the legislation:

Social Media Platforms vs. Other Media Enterprises. The legislation deceptively defines “social media platforms” as:

any data service, system, Internet search engine, or entry software program supplier that: 1. Provides or allows laptop entry by a number of customers to a PC server, together with an Internet platform or a social media web site

This partially borrows language from Section 230, however none of those phrases are additional outlined on this legislation. What is a “system”? What is an “Internet platform”? What is an “access software provider”? (Section 230 defines it as filtering or anti-threat software program).

Counterintuitively, the legislation treats search engines like google and “access software providers” the identical as “social media sites.” So this legislation isn’t nearly sticking it to Facebook or Twitter. To remind you of the legislation’s sweeping nature, I’ll use the time period “Internet services” as a substitute of the misnomer “social media providers.”

The legislation’s legislative “findings” try to elucidate why it treats Internet providers otherwise than different media. A pattern “finding”: “Social media platforms hold a unique place in preserving first amendment protections for all Floridians and should be treated similarly to common carriers,” as if invoking the amorphous phrase “common carrier” supplies a get-out-of-the-First-Amendment-free card. The different findings are additionally mockable. Plus, the 1997 Supreme Court ruling in Reno v. ACLU says that, in contrast to broadcast and telephony, the precedent instances “provide no basis for qualifying the level of First Amendment scrutiny that should be applied to the Internet.” Florida’s try to control Internet providers like telephony is clearly unconstitutional.

Big vs. Small Services. Like many different payments to control the Internet, the legislation distinguishes between expansive and small Internet providers. I’ll quickly publish an essay by Jess Miers and me discussing the best way to draft these statutory distinctions. Currently, legislatures are doing a horrible job drafting them, and Florida’s legislation is not any exception.

The legislation applies to Internet providers that do enterprise in Florida and have (1) annual revenues of $100M+ or (2) 100M+ “monthly individual platform participants globally.” I didn’t see any legislative findings justifying the $100M cutoff. The time period “monthly individual platform participants globally” is nonsensical gibberish. The time period doesn’t imply “accounts” or “MAUs” as a result of each phrases are used elsewhere….so what’s a person platform participant? No clue.

Using two various measurement requirements (revenues OR customers) is a disfavored follow. It means the legislation governs non-profits with minimal revenues who can not afford the legislation’s compliance prices, comparable to Wikipedia or Internet Archive. It additionally reaches firms with trivial connections to Florida, comparable to an organization with $100M in revenues globally what place solely $1 comes from Florida; or a service that has 100M customers however just one in Florida.

By not connecting the quantitative metrics to Florida activity, the legislative “findings”  look foolish. For instance, a big Internet service with minimal Floridian connections doesn’t “hold a unique place in preserving first amendment protections for all Floridians.” Due to the shoddy drafting of the quantitative thresholds, I don’t suppose the Florida legislature can defend its size-based classifications. (Note: many legal guidelines comprise of size-based distinctions which can be constitutional, however speech restrictions get extra stringent judicial overview).

Preferential Treatment for Theme Park Owners. The legislation excludes theme park homeowners from the definition of Internet providers. Yes, the exclusion is as ridiculous because it sounds. No, it’s not constitutionally defensible.

Preferential Treatment for Journalistic Enterprises. The legislation defines journalistic enterprises primarily based on content material quantity or viewers dimension. It doesn’t matter if they really publish journalism. For instance, journalistic enterprises embody anybody who does enterprise in Florida and publishes 100ok+ phrases on-line [note: I probably blog over 100k words/year; and virtually every law professor has published over 100k words because most law review articles are 20k+ words] and has both 50ok+ paid subscribers or 100ok+ MAUs. Given the ridiculously low phrase depend threshold, which picks up any firm of any dimension in any respect, the legislation successfully says EVERY web site with 100ok+ MAUs qualifies as a “journalistic enterprise.” (In the Goldman/Miers essay, we’ll additionally talk about that how MAUs is ambiguous as a result of it doesn’t have a uniform definition). This inconsiderate drafting creates a large variety of false positives.

The legislation says that Internet providers can not “censor, deplatform, or shadow ban a journalistic enterprise based on the content of its publication or broadcast.” It doesn’t matter if the content material is defamatory, dangerous to readers, or creates different tortious legal responsibility–it should keep. This additionally signifies that any decent-sized company with the requisite phrase depend/MAUs can freely spam, and Internet providers can’t do a rattling factor about it.

Even if the legislation had been correctly drafted–and it clearly will not be–in order that it utilized solely to media enterprises (see my recent blog post on this topic), there is no such thing as a constitutional foundation to privilege their content material over the content material from different presumptively reliable sources, comparable to different state governments. And to the extent that it privileges Floridian journalistic enterprises over non-Floridian journalistic enterprises, it violates multiple constitutional provisions.

Plus, as a must-carry legislation, the legislation basically requires one media (Internet providers) to hold the content material of different, presumably rival, media entities. Outside of the important amenities, are you able to consider different analogous statutory obligations for media entities?

Because a legislature can’t impose must-carry guidelines on Internet providers to favor different media entities, and since the drafting is so botched that the definition privileges way over simply media entities, this distinction can not survive constitutional scrutiny.

Preferential Treatment for Political Candidates. The legislation privileges political candidates in multiple methods.

First, the legislation says Internet providers can’t “willfully” deplatform political candidates, and the providers should create a mechanism for political candidates to self-identify. Noncompliance results in stiff fines.

There’s little doubt the anti-deplatforming rule is unconstitutional. In Miami Herald v. Tornillo, the Supreme Court struck down a Florida legislation requiring newspapers to present equal time to political candidates. This isn’t a detailed call.

Second, the legislation says Internet providers might “not apply or use post-prioritization or shadow banning algorithms for content and material posted by or about a user who is known by the social media platform to be a candidate” (however adverts are OK). As the NetChoice/CCIA criticism makes clear, this provision doesn’t simply privilege content material FROM political candidates, it it privileges content material ABOUT political candidates. That reshapes political discourse in methods I believe the legislature didn’t correctly ponder. For instance, it might render Internet providers powerless to scrub up outright lies about political candidates (from opponents or malefactors). The ensuing widespread and malicious misinformation might massively harm our democracy.

There’s additionally the technical impossibility of Internet providers recognizing each time customers are speaking about a politician. Dumb phrase filters received’t be sufficient. Candidates will be referenced in memes/GIFs, utilizing euphemisms/nicknames, and plenty of different methods that may thwart automated implementation.

Third, the legislation says any Internet service “that willfully provides free advertising for a candidate must inform the candidate of such in-kind contribution.” I don’t perceive what prompted this provision. Are any providers presently handing out free adverts to candidates, or is that this kiboshing some paranoid dystopian hypothetical state of affairs that isn’t a part of our present actuality? Further, the legislation says it’s not free adverts when the providers organically current candidates’ content material, however provided that that content material is proven “in the same or similar way as other users’ posts, content, material, and comments.” So the legislation treats natural content material as “free ads” if it’s not proven “the same or a similar way”? How will that be measured?

Fundamentally, equal therapy for political candidates imposes false equivalencies. Political events routinely espouse concepts that aren’t credible or respectable. You by no means hear about these events as a result of they’re fringe by nature and outdoors the normal media highlight. By treating all political candidates equally, fringe or not, the legislation would vastly elevate and normalize pernicious and non-credible concepts that don’t deserve such therapy.

Some different issues with the legislation’s political candidate privileges:

  • Political candidates aggressively hustle for votes and contributions. The legislation makes it troublesome or not possible for Internet providers to place the brakes on this.
  • Other than the previous Fairness Doctrine, are there different constitutionally permitted legal guidelines that require companies to authenticate political candidates and provides them preferential therapy in comparison with different residents? FWIW, there are doubtless constitutional limits on states requiring Internet providers to authenticate customers. See Backpage v. McKenna.
  • If an “access software provider” assesses a politician’s content material or web site as a safety risk, does the legislation require them to disregard that? If so, think about how malefactors might weaponize a under guarantee free move round anti-virus/anti-malware software program.
  • If an Internet service desires to create a politics-free zone–say, it’s a service for knitters where political debates will crack the community into two, or a service that channels political discourse into designated spaces–the legislation says “tough shit.”
  • if a politician’s content material breaks the legislation or the service’s home guidelines, the legislation apparently says “tough shit.”

Preferential Treatment of Advertising. The “journalistic endeavors” restrictions and restrictions on post-prioritization/shadowbanning political candidates each exclude promoting from their regulatory scope–in different phrases, these provisions privilege promoting over editorial content material. I perceive the objective was to permit Internet providers to maintain promoting adverts, however from a constitutional standpoint, the excellence is backwards. Normally, promoting will get a decrease stage of constitutional safety than editorial content material. Worse, these distinctions say it’s fantastic for Internet providers to be paid to form public opinion, nevertheless it’s not OK to form public opinion free of charge when it’s the Internet providers’ own editorial voice. That appears to undermine the legislature’s issues on how public opinion is formed; the legislation says shaping isn’t an issue–simply ensure somebody’s paying you to do it.

Differential Treatment for Obscene Content. The legislation requires Internet providers to inform customers within the occasion their content material is “censored” or “shadowbanned,” until the content material is “obscene,” during which case no discover is required. Huh? Why is obscene content material treated otherwise than different classes of constitutionally unprotected, unlawful, or dangerous content material? ¯_(ツ)_/¯

More Comments on Section 4

Section Four is jam-packed with extra horrible and unconstitutional coverage concepts, together with:

  • Internet providers should “publish the standards, including detailed definitions, it uses or has used for determining how to censor, deplatform, and shadow ban.” How much disclosure will suffice? Every Internet service already has a TOS with behavioral restrictions. Exactly how would a search engine or “access software provider” fulfill this requirement?
  • Internet providers should “apply censorship, deplatforming, and shadow banning standards in a consistent manner among its users on the platform.” Internet providers try for consistency, however perfect consistency isn’t achievable. Content moderation is tough, particularly at scale. Consistency is much more illogical for search engines like google, particularly when search engines like google present customized search outcomes that, by definition, don’t search to offer the identical outcomes to searchers. The legislation supplies a personal proper of motion for inconsistent content material moderation that features statutory damages of as much as $100ok. I don’t suppose the court docket system is prepared for keen Floridian to inform Internet providers to indicate them the cash for not treating their content material “consistently.”
  • Internet providers should “inform each user about any changes to its user rules, terms, and agreements before implementing the changes and may not make changes more than once every 30 days.” Can you think about a legislature telling a newspaper or a e-book writer that it could possibly change its editorial requirements solely as soon as a month? In truth, typically Internet providers should make guidelines on the fly to cope with exigencies, comparable to surprising home insurrections or life-or-death COVID19 developments.
  • Internet providers might “not censor or shadow ban a user’s content or material or deplatform a user from the social media platform…[w]ithout notifying the user who posted or attempted to post the content or material.” The discover should embody “a thorough rationale explaining the reason that the social media platform censored the user [and] a precise and thorough explanation of how the social media platform became aware of the censored content or material, including a thorough explanation of the algorithms used, if any, to identify or flag the user’s content or material as objectionable.” However, as talked about above, no discover is required when the fabric is “obscene.” The requirement of discover and clarification sounds enticing to many individuals who would possibly oppose different elements of this legislation, nevertheless it’s flatly inconsistent with operations at scale. How precisely is that this discover and clarification course of presupposed to work with the billions of things a day which can be squashed as spam? The discover requirement can be coupled with a personal proper of motion, so high-volume spammers who don’t get correct discover will view the damages from Internet providers as their major income supply.
  • Internet providers should “[p]rovide a mechanism that allows a user to request the number of other individual platform participants who were provided or shown the user’s content or posts [and provide], upon request, a user with the number of other individual platform participants who were provided or shown content or posts.” This is principally a compulsory analytics provision, however providers would possibly moderately wish to cost for offering analytics. Furthermore, many regulators have demanded that Internet providers make themselves much less “addictive” (comparable to efforts to deemphasize or ban “likes”). Mandatory readership stats might counterproductively enhance service addictiveness.
  • Internet providers should “[c]ategorize algorithms used for post-prioritization and shadow banning [and allow] a user to opt out of post-prioritization and shadow banning algorithm categories to allow sequential or chronological posts and content.” They even have to inform customers yearly about about algorithm utilization and customers’ capacity to opt-out. I do not know what it means to “categorize algorithms.” i’ve sturdy objections to legislatures telling Internet providers the best way to order or kind their content material, even simply as a person possibility. This could be like a legislature telling newspapers that they need to print an version of the paper that shows tales by time completed by the reporters. Not solely would such an version be pricey to develop and keep, however it would be useless to readers. The sequential/chronological model of any service will likely be so much like ChatRoulette or Omegle. You would anticipate finding dick pics extra ceaselessly than any content material you really need. This provision is flatly unconstitutional.
  • Internet providers should “allow a user who has been deplatformed to access or retrieve all of the user’s information, content, material, and data for at least 60 days.” What is the person’s content material, and the way does it intersect with the content material of different customers? What are the privateness implications? If the content material is against the law (say, copyright infringing or CSAM), does the legislation punish Internet providers for not returning it to the person?

A reminder that many Internet providers are presently free to make use of. With that in thoughts, which of those Section Four obligations can Internet providers cost customers to obtain? Does all of it need to be free? If not, it’s straightforward to think about some countermoves that Internet providers might make to the drawback of Florida customers.

The Lawsuit

On behalf of their members, NetChoice and CCIA filed a widely anticipated challenge to the legislation. The criticism emphasizes the legislation’s constitutional issues: “The Act is so rife with fundamental infirmities that it appears to have been enacted without any regard for the Constitution.” The criticism additionally says:

Rather than stopping what it calls ‘censorship,’ the Act does the precise reverse: it empowers authorities officers in Florida to police the protected editorial judgment of on-line companies that the State disfavors and whose perceived political viewpoints it needs to punish.

The criticism additionally raises Section 230 and dormant commerce clause issues.

The criticism has a exceptional 16 legal professionals on its caption. The message is evident: the Internet providers will spare no expense.


Florida voters, in case your elected officers voted sure on this legislation, you deserve higher. FIX THAT within the subsequent election.

Many of the Section Four restrictions resemble the Santa Clara Principles. If you’ve been championing “digital due process,” as a part of your imaginative and prescient of “platform governance,” congratulations! The Florida legislature heard your pleas. I assume you’re now taking a victory lap… Or, maybe you’re feeling somewhat queasy as a result of legislative compulsion of “digital due process” really seems actually censorial? A maybe apparent level: when mandated by the federal government, “platform governance” is pure censorship; and in the event you suppose one of the simplest ways to repair Internet service “censorship” is to present the ***authorities*** extra energy to regulate speech, you might be doing it very, very incorrect.

This legislation is one other reminder why i’ve categorically opposed all state-level efforts to control the Internet. Because of the dearth of geographic boundaries to the Internet, they’re the incorrect stage of presidency to set the foundations for a borderless digital community. More importantly, state legislatures have systematic defects with regards to Internet policy-making, comparable to the dearth of technical experience, parochialism in direction of non-constituents, zero fucks concerning the constitutionality of their legal guidelines, and as evidenced right here, a willingness to champion #MAGA fealty on the expense of the most effective pursuits of their state residents. This legislation indicators the form of regulatory rubbish that will likely be ubiquitous when Section 230 (after Congressional gutting) now not holds again state legislatures. If that doesn’t horrify you, then you definitely and that I in all probability don’t have a shared imaginative and prescient about what makes America nice.


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